Fidel Castro: Difference between revisions

<blockquote>Among the proven failures of the Marxist promise, this is the most fateful of all. The failure of Marxist economies to satisfy basic needs, let alone compete with the productive capitalisms of the West, has produced the military-industrial police states which call themselves socialist today.</blockquote>

<blockquote>Twenty-five years ago we on the Left applauded when Fidel denounced Cuba’s one-crop economy and claimed that U.S. imperialism was the cause of the nation’s economic plight. It seemed so self-evident. Cuba was a fertile island with a favorable climate, but U.S. sugar plantations had monopolized its arable land, and the sugar produced was a product for export, not a food for Cubans. The poor of Cuba had been sacrificed on the altar of imperialist profit. Whenever we were confronted by the political costs Castro’s revolution might entail, we were confident that this gain alone—Cuba’s freedom to grow food for Cubans—would make any sacrifice worthwhile. The same illusion—that the revolution will mean better lives for Nicaragua’s poor—underlies every defense of the Sandinistas today.</blockquote>

<blockquote>It is nearly three decades since Cuba’s liberation, and Cuba is still a one-crop economy. But the primary market for its sugar is now the Soviet Union instead of the United States. Along with this have come other economic differences as well. Cuba’s external debt is now ''200 times'' what it was when Fidel took power. And it would be far greater if the Communist ''caudillo'' had not mortgaged his country to his Soviet patron. So bankrupt is the economy Castro has created that it requires a Soviet subsidy of over $4 billion a year, one-quarter of the entire national income, to keep it afloat. Before the revolution, Cubans enjoyed the highest per-capita income in Latin America. Now they are economic prisoners of permanent rationing and chronic shortages in even the most basic necessities. The allotted rations tell a story in themselves: two pounds of meat per citizen per month; 20 percent less clothing than the allotment a decade earlier; and in rice, a basic staple of Cuba’s poor, ''half'' the yearly consumption under the old Batista regime.</blockquote>

<blockquote>The idea that Marxist revolution will mean economic benefit for the poor has proved to be the most deadly illusion of all. It is ''because'' Marxist economies ''cannot'' satisfy economic needs—not even at the levels of the miserably corrupt capitalisms of Batista and Somoza—that Marxist states require permanent repression to stifle unrest and permanent enemies to saddle with the blame.<ref>David Horowitz, “Nicaragua: A Speech to My Former Comrades on the Left,” ''Commentary'', June 1, 1986. [https://www.commentarymagazine.com/articles/nicaragua-a-speech-to-my-former-comrades-on-the-left/ https://www.commentarymagazine.com/articles/nicaragua-a-speech-to-my-former-comrades-on-the-left/]</ref></blockquote>

<blockquote>We come to illustrate a planetary need, and also to illustrate that those entrusted with the torch of freedom to a dying world, even your representatives in this government, do not have the solution to the South American question or to “the Castro connection.”<ref>Refers to the connection between leftist guerrilla activity in Central America and Castro’s regime in Cuba. 1980 “NBC White Paper: The Castro Connection” exposes that (1) Cuba, as a Soviet surrogate, sends advisers and extensive military aid to leftists in Central America, and (2) the brutality and insensitivity of right-wing generals contributes to dissatisfaction among the masses, fomenting revolution. U.S. government officials were unable to offer viable solutions.</ref> We would call it “the dilemma of the Watchers and their godless creation.” But the people in general, not aware of the cause behind the effect, seem to name the enemy by the uniform or the doctrinal position of that one.</blockquote>

<blockquote>Blessed hearts, by now you surely know that they are positioned at all points of the circle—that circle being the antithesis of the circle of Light. The positioning of the hierarchy of God, as mighty [[seraphim]], on all the degrees of the circle of Life, is the point of the beginning of our consideration of the problems of Latin America.</blockquote>

<blockquote>In the first instance, all must be unprejudiced to realize that the Watchers, whose archetype is personified in Fidel Castro, have been among the oppressors of the people for centuries. Great are the crimes of the fallen ones in South America, for they have been the imitators of the path of [[Omega]]’s sons! They have placed themselves in positions of rightist royalty, decking themselves with honor, with gold and diamond and precious jewel, in imitation of the sons of God. They have anointed themselves kings and priests and allowed the little people to become impoverished.</blockquote>

<blockquote>Now, some of these little people are the dear hearts of [[Mother Mary]] and the creation, in the beginning, of [[Elohim]]. Others of the ignorant masses are a strain of [[mechanization man]], formed by other [[Nephilim]] who also moved on this continent, as you have heard of their movement in the Middle East and on the African continent. Therefore, some are the godless, empty ones who are ready to follow a demagogue, ready to follow the Watcher, in whatever direction. Thus the Archdeceiver, in the person of the [[black magician]], comes along.</blockquote>

<blockquote>You must realize that those that are on the position of the circle in the rightist camp are other Nephilim gods, self-styled gods; and they are in competition with one another. By the rivalries and the competition of the fallen ones, we find them at the point of the extreme Right and the extreme Left—merely as a point of their own rhetoric, as a point of assembling the masses on their own side for their own personal self-aggrandizement! And no matter what they say or pursue, they do not have the fate of the people at heart.<ref>Purity and Astrea, “Let the Divine Solution Appear!” {{POWref|25|12|March 21, 1982}}</ref></blockquote>